Top Chinese leaders, on assuming power, would set their agendas by announcing a vision to inspire the people. The vision of former leader Hu Jintao was to build a harmonious Chinese society. Current leader, President Xi Jinping calls on the Chinese people to fulfill a dream of building a moderately prosperous society and realizing national rejuvenation. Seen historically, Xi’s Chinese Dream is a continuation of China’s ongoing project of national reconstruction after the traumatic experience of repeated defeats by foreign powers since the Opium War more than 150 years ago.

The world should welcome a wealthy and powerful China. A powerful Song Dynasty (960-1279) might have deterred Mongolian military from advancing in the Middle East, Europe and Russia. Likewise, a powerful China in the more recent past would have stopped Japan from invading Korea, China and Southeast Asia. A strong Chinese economy in the last few decades has energized the global economy, especially after the 2008 financial crisis. However, while welcoming a powerful China, the world would not like to see a bullying China.

The rise of China is affecting the balance of economic power globally. But, how would Chinese like this period of their history to be understood by future generations? As a period with remarkable economic growth only? Or as a period of economic development coupled with cultural and intellectual brilliance, with an enduring positive impact throughout the whole world, at par with previous glorious periods of human history? Most Chinese would prefer the second scenario.

Radical economic and social transformations are often accompanied by intellectual ferment and cultural effervescence. These transformations throw up many serious issues, challenging the best brains of the time. In attempts to solve these issues, the great thinkers draw on their intellectual heritage, learn from other sources, cross-fertilize them and creatively synthesize them to produce original thoughts.

Examples are Ancient Greece, China’s Spring-Autumn-Warring-States period, the Islamic golden age, the Indian Mughal period, and China’s Tang-Song period. The most recent experience is the European Renaissance and Enlightenment, which produced giants in the fields of philosophy, natural sciences, social sciences, fine arts, music, architecture, and literature. European intellectuals acted as a positive force during that critical period, functioning both as social conscience and as sources of forward-looking ideas. Their works have shaped the character of modern European civilization.

Such historical perspective provides new dimensions to the Chinese Dream. In addition to wealth and power, it envisions building a modern Chinese civilization of material prosperity and cultural refinement in equal measure. This is in line with a deep Chinese aspiration to preserve their cultural heritage while evolving a system of social, economic and political philosophies to cope with the demands of modernization. In this endeavor, the best of morality, culture, ethics and societal values will feature prominently.

Two challenges emerge from this perspective. The first is to draw on China’s own cultural and intellectual resources. With an open and inquisitive mind, old ideas take on new meanings and interpretations in the context of new social and political challenges. In reworking old ideas from one's culture, one is free and indeed encouraged to refer to other cultures.

The second challenge is to learn from other civilizations. The Chinese are glad that the European Renaissance and Enlightenment drank from the well of Chinese civilization. The West has borrowed from China bureaucracy as a system of governance and has improved upon it. Likewise, Chinese should be glad to borrow and learn from others, for it can only increase the range of possible solutions. Since the West has a longer history of modernization, China can benefit much from learning their experiences. What is critical here is meticulous and rational learning, adapting them to suit local conditions and drawing upon local cultural resources to absorb them. This cross fertilization of the best from different cultures can only be to the good so long as it’s not undertaken with a parochial mentality and nationalistic bias.

Reinventing socio-cultural practices is quite common in societies undergoing structural changes. It is a part of the societal efforts to refine and refurbish the inner resources of their societies. It is hoped that Chinese can further refine their intellectual heritage, learn from foreign sources, cross-fertilize them and, through creative synthesis, produce schools of original thought. The process touches societies in the most profound sense, involving ideas, values, morality, belief systems, culture and institutions. It requires us to revisit our concept of justice, truth and beauty. It is a project with both social and spiritual dimensions. It is a project that looks into the soul of history.

However, economic resurgence in itself does not guarantee corresponding intellectual ferment and cultural effervescence. There are formidable obstacles in the long journey.

The economic rise of China may thus be conceived as an opportunity for a Chinese cultural revival, which may or may not happen. Much depends on how Chinese themselves will make use of the opportunity.

The project of a cultural rejuvenation is an ambitious undertaking. It is likely to last for several generations. It has no walls and borders nor time limits. Contributions from all corners of the world are warmly welcome. Though the stage is in China, the cast and audience are global. This opens up a new arena of international cooperation for all who aspire to contribute to the long-term well-being of humanity. If and when Chinese cultural and intellectual reinvigoration does happen in its full glory, it will lift the Chinese civilization to a higher level. In so doing, it will contribute to the cultural richness of the world and through it, elevate humankind to a higher level of cultivation.

Michael Heng is a retired professor who held academic appointments in Australia, the Netherlands, and at six universities in Asia. The author contributed this article to China watch exclusively. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of China Watch.

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